Green Barrio Economies

Many in the Latino community have been closely watching the current administration’s policy objectives to predict possible future conditions for Latinos. Its no secret, that private interests benefit from the immigrant situation. As a result of implicitly allowing illegal immigration, increasing numbers of undocumented workers are pitted against unionized workers and employers often hire undocumented immigrants who are willing to work for less. These low wages prevents economic empowerment among these individuals. The following are recommendations for future prosperity in working-class Latino communities: Unions that do not discriminate based on immigration status, Latino workers who actively participate in the green economy through job training, Latino entrepreneurs whom receive institutional support for their start-up, and Latino consumers whom support their local businesses in developing a strong barrio economy.
There is no denying that it is unlawful to illegally cross a border and the United States should be a country that lives by the rule of law. Ironically, this adherence to the law in the United States is a key reason that so many immigrants are attracted to this country in the first place. However, there are more compelling reasons for immigration, than the country’s lawfulness. These individuals are in a desperate situation—a desperation that is proven when we read newspaper headlines about an immigrant losing his or her life while attempting to cross the border. This desperation comes from the inability to feed a family—a result of high unemployment in weak economies throughout Latin America.
Many of these countries have a small middle-class and Latin-American politicians have no intention of developing one. According to a 2007 New York University report “With few exceptions--Uruguay, Costa Rica, Venezuela--the countries of Latin America have the highest levels of income inequality in the world. In the late 1990s, for example, the income share received by the highest income decile [10% of population] was 47.2% in Brazil, 47.0% in Chile, and 43.1% in Mexico, in contrast to 30.5% in the United States.”1 Despite the poor economic conditions, which is at the root of illegal immigration, developing a larger latin american middle class is rarely discussed as foreign policy.
If the federal government were really serious about immigration they would encourage policies that create a strong middle-class in Latin America. For example, the federal government could create an economic incentive for U.S. firms to contract with those Latin American manufacturers which employ unionized workers. This would force those manufacturers that want U.S. contracts to pay living wage to their workers. A living wage will deter the need to look for employment in the United States. But these policies are absent—too many U.S. private interests benefit from immigrant labor and too many Latin American private interests benefit from an economy of disproportionate wealth.
So we arrive at the current situation, one where working class citizens are pitted against undocumented immigrants in a poor job market. These conditions create antagonism toward illegal immigrants—many of whom are thought to be from Latin America—though it should be noted that illegal immigrants from non-Spanish speaking countries like China and Haiti are in a similar predicament.
 Politicians and entrepreneurs throughout the United States believe that green jobs and green innovation can pull us out of this recession and prevent climate change. Latinos have often worked in food production and construction. Provided with the right training Latinos will be in a position to be leaders in sustainable food production and green construction, which are key growth industries in a green economy. Recent White House actions show support for communities of color to take leadership roles in this new green economy—policies such as the Green Jobs Act, creates pathways out of poverty by using green jobs training. This act was spearheaded by Hilda Solis, a key decision maker on issues affecting the working class in the White House.
The current administration also believes that strong unions will play a critical role in the economy. In a recent speech, President Obama said, “We need to level the playing field for workers and the unions that represent their interests.”2 Empowered unions can grow the middle-class and fulfill the American Dream of upward mobility. When Van Jones, special advisor to the Obama administration on green jobs, proposed a strategy before the Vice-President, he said, “We have to engage our labor unions, the best trained workers in [Green Industries] are in unions. That’s the bottom line.”3. If unions allow undocumented immigrants to join their ranks, they will gain increased bargaining power because the competing employees (undocumented workers) have joined them. However, there has long been tension between union workers and undocumented Latino workers—and this divisive relationship does not allow for a united workforce. The kind of workforce that is needed for the task ahead. Although some unions already allow undocumented workers, all unions need to grant membership to undocumented workers to create this unified workforce.
But Latinos must not only be union leaders, they must also be entrepreneurial leaders. Latinas especially have demonstrated the ability to start and manage their own businesses, whether it’s selling tamales or running beauty salons. Now, more than ever, we can realize this potential by encouraging Latino entrepreneurs to start businesses. More local businesses means more currency can circulate within the barrio without the need to shop at big-box chains. This local circulation of currency can increase the value of their dollar and keep wealth in the community, as demonstrated by the progressive European-American communities in Burlington, Vermont and Portland, Oregon. Furthermore, they could market there product to European American communities to funnel that money back into the community. It’s difficult to have economic solidarity when prices at non-local businesses are low, especially when recent Latin American immigrants have little income—but the exploitation of this position by big-box companies perpetuates economic disempowerment and prevents economic self-sufficiency.
A strong barrio economy is possible—but it needs local consumer support and institutional support. A non-profit agency that can create supportive environments for green Latino entrepreneurs is needed. An organization like this could offer business and skills training to those in the community interested in starting a business, as well as provide them with ongoing legal , IT, and accounting support. This agency could also train them in high-demand skills, such as green construction, clean energy, sustainable landscaping, and organic food production. Since many Latinos already work in the conventional but unsustainable counterparts of these industries, they can and need to seize these opportunities to reintroduce wealth back into their barrio economies.
If Latinos join the green economy, this could very well influence a cultural paradigm shift. As workers in green industries, Latinos will be more aware of the affect outside business have on the health of members in their community. Polluted air, water, and soil are most common in low-income urban communities. Introducing local green businesses in these communities will reduce air pollution, and as a result, can reduce children’s asthma as they play in beautiful new green spaces. With increased incomes these purveyors of green products could also be consumers. If there are more fruits and vegetables available in these communities, this could have an impact on the diets of Latinos. Consequently this could lower the frequency of diabetes in the Latino community. Given all this, these workers have the added incentive of helping to prevent climate change through their labor.
Some may argue that these current communities are plagued with more pressing problems and that these ideas hardly seem like an adequate remedy. However, Criminologists James Q. Wilson and George Kelling suggest otherwise in their “broken windows” theory. They state, “Crime is the inevitable result of disorder. If a window is broken and left in disrepair, people walking by will conclude that no one cares and no one is in charge. Soon more windows will be broken and a sense of anarchy will be spread from that building to the street from which it faces, sending a signal that anything goes.”4 This idea was implemented by the New York City Police—and “crime rates in New York City plunged. Between 1990 and 1998, murder declined by over 70%, robbery by over 60%, total violent offenses by over 50%, and total property felonies by over 60%. These declines were the steepest ever recorded”5. Neighborhood appearance communicates the level of order to its residents. Green spaces and energy efficient buildings communicate that the community cares. Furthermore, if someone owns a business in the community they have an economic stake in that community, and therefore its appearance. When creating community, small details matter.
One can now envision a future for Latinos where they can be not only business owners and union members, but where they can also prevent climate change by working in green industries. A barrio can be reinvented. From Little Havana (Miami) to Adams Morgan(DC) to Pilsen (Chicago), these neighborhoods will offer services that other communities want—services like green construction and products such as organic produce. These neighborhoods will be leaders local produce, green construction and energy. These communities will be reinforced by creating and sustaining economic strength. These goals will be reached when new local economies are self-sufficient—no big-box chains needed.